How DSS Boss Ajayi is Blazing the Trail in Human Rights Compliance

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How DSS Boss Ajayi is Blazing the Trail in Human Rights Complianc

By Editor-in-Chief

Within Nigeria’s most secretive security agency, an unexpected transformation is unfolding. Away from the previous approach, where the secret Police, the Department of State Services (DSS) for decades, was perceived as a blunt instrument of state, almighty in power, operating in a gestapo manner. Many Nigerians almost justifiably so erroneously considered it less as a guardian of democracy and more as a predator, usually for government, operating in the shadows.

That image is being challenged under the leadership of its new Director General, Oluwatosin Ajayi. Since assuming office on August 28, 2024, he has steered the DSS toward a culture of restraint, accountability, and professionalism—an agency that relies more on intelligence than intimidation, and on the rule of law rather than fear.
Few outside intelligence circles had heard of Ajayi before his appointment. Within the security community, however, he was respected: a veteran with three decades of experience across state commands, and a man whose work blended a lawyer’s respect for process with an operative’s grasp of field realities. Unlike predecessors who sometimes relied on spectacle to demonstrate power, Ajayi came in with a reputation for quiet efficiency. The reaction inside the DSS was telling—staff welcomed him as someone likely to prioritise professionalism over personal power.
One of his first moves was recalibrating how the agency treats detainees. In the past, prolonged detentions without trial and defiance of court orders tarnished the DSS’s image. Ajayi began reshaping interrogation procedures, stressing the rights of suspects, and directing officers to align arrests more closely with judicial processes. The long-standing habit of keeping suspects indefinitely is being dismantled. His message has been consistent: a security agency sworn to protect the constitution cannot disregard the same legal framework.
He has also turned to fixing relationships with other security institutions. For years, turf wars and duplicated efforts undermined Nigeria’s ability to respond effectively to threats. Ajayi has instead promoted collaboration, strengthening links with the Office of the National Security Adviser, the police, and the military. Information now flows more freely, operations are better synchronised, and missions that once suffered from rivalry are executed with shared purpose.
Equally significant is the abandonment of theatrical shows of force. The DSS of old often courted controversy by storming courtrooms, parading weapons, or ignoring judicial rulings. Ajayi has shifted the style to quiet, targeted, and discreet operations. Rather than intimidating citizens, the agency now focuses on pre-empting threats—sharing intelligence to prevent attacks before they happen, and avoiding public spectacles that erode trust.
But Ajayi has not limited himself to preventing future mistakes; he has also sought to correct old ones. Since his appointment, several individuals unjustly detained have regained their freedom. In July 2025 alone, 12 detainees walked free, including Abdulyakini Salisu, a quarry worker wrongly implicated in a kidnapping case. For the first time in DSS history, Salisu not only regained his freedom but also received a public apology, N10 million in compensation, and medical care. Similar cases have followed: a businessman shot by mistake during a 2016 operation received financial restitution, while 11 men arrested in Osun State on terrorism charges were freed and compensated.
Some gestures have gone further still. When student Mohammed Ciroma was unlawfully detained, Ajayi authorised his return to university and granted him a scholarship paid for by the DSS. Officers found culpable in wrongful arrests now face disciplinary procedures. These steps represent a dramatic departure from a culture where abuse was rarely acknowledged. Ajayi himself has admitted publicly: mistakes will happen, but the agency must have the courage to admit them, apologise, and make amends.
This willingness to confront the past has started to reshape public perception. It also underscores that accountability is not weakness. On the contrary, intelligence-led policing under Ajayi is producing tangible successes. In Niger State, DSS intelligence allowed the Nigerian Army to ambush and eliminate dozens of armed bandits. In Zamfara, 32 kidnap victims—mainly women and children—were freed in joint operations. In Borno, a Catholic priest, Reverend Father Alphonsus Afina, was rescued from Boko Haram captivity, drawing widespread relief. These operations demonstrate that respecting rights has not blunted the DSS’s edge; it has sharpened it by ensuring missions are lawful, precise, and credible.
Civil society has noticed this quiet revolution taking place within DSS. For years, human rights organisations and the DSS stood on opposite sides of the barricade. Now, some of the agency’s harshest critics are cautiously acknowledging progress. The Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria (HURIWA) recently described Ajayi’s reforms as “surprising and encouraging.” Other advocacy groups, such as the Centre for Human Rights and Accountability Network, (CHRAN) have also praised the DSS for combining effective operations with compliance to the law. Their endorsements remain cautious, but the fact that they exist at all is remarkable.
Scepticism, however, has not vanished. Nigerians remember the DSS’s chequered past. Many question whether the reforms are sustainable or dependent solely on Ajayi’s leadership. Ajayi himself seems aware of this concern. To institutionalise change, he has created a standing review panel for old cases, mandated a 48-hour window for investigating reports of abuse, and instructed the public relations unit to actively monitor the media for allegations of misconduct. Crucially, officers are no longer permitted to dismiss critical reporting outright. Even hostile press accounts are to be treated as potential leads requiring investigation.
This new posture reflects a deeper philosophy: security agencies do not earn legitimacy by silencing criticism but by demonstrating accountability. The DSS, once combative toward journalists and activists, is beginning to treat them as partners in oversight. This change does more than fulfil directives from the presidency; it redefines how a democratic security service should behave in relation to the public.
Of course, apologies and compensation cannot restore lost years or heal every wound. Families torn apart by wrongful detentions may never fully recover. The enduring test for Ajayi’s DSS will be whether systemic safeguards prevent new abuses from occurring. Yet the early signals suggest progress. Morale inside the agency has risen, cooperation with other security forces has improved, and civil society has become less antagonistic.
For the first time in decades, Nigeria’s secret police is attempting to practise accountability rather than preach it. By linking operational success with respect for human dignity, Oluwatosin Ajayi is charting a new course in human rights compliance. His leadership suggests that the true strength of a security agency lies not in intimidation, but in professionalism, precision, and adherence to the law.
Whether this quiet revolution outlasts his tenure will depend on whether the systems he is building become ingrained in the institution. For now, however, Nigerians are witnessing something rare: a feared agency trying to reinvent itself as a guardian of rights as well as security. In a country long accustomed to security forces inspiring fear, that change alone is extraordinary.